Is the Contractor General getting ahead of himself ?

A week ago the opposition PNP asked the OCG  to investigate the allegation that contractor YP Seaton had paid for the PM trip to Paraguay. The OCG said this was outside of his role and referred the PNP to the DPP and the police.

I would have not had a problem if the OCG had stopped there, but he went unto to say that YP Seaton had received received around $2.4b on contract since the JLP came into power. Not only was this highly inappropriate for him to point out this matter of fact, but in a highly charged society it conveyed the impression of corruption at worse of favoritism at best.

The OCG did not stop there, today he went unto to publish data suggesting that YP Seaton had received another $3.4b under the JDIP PROJECT as a sub-contractor, while publishing a list of other sub contractors. What was the rational for the OCG publishing this information, coming on the heels on the principal of YP Seaton asking for a public apology.


No doubt Greg has done a decent job and has wide public support, but I believe that the love of the media and wide spread support has gotten to Mr Christie’s head . Now he seems on path which seems set to malign and destroy the character of many people who do business with the government and this is indeed a very dangerous trend.

This latest revelation will conjure in the minds of people acts of corruption when there is absolutely no evidence to support this, but with some many Jamaicans unable to read and understand, coupled with politics this is a very bad move by the OCG.

Mr. Christie has suggested in the past that many people be charged only to have the DPP throw these cases out as there was no evidence to support his claims. Just recently the highly effective Mr Ellington expressed concerns about his methods of going to the public before (3hrs after his public disclosure) in a recent case at the KSAC fraud investigation.

Greg in is usual ” I  cannot be wrong attitude” completely missed the point made by Mr Ellington, making an asinine comment that he brief the commissioner 3 hrs after making the investigation public.


I think Greg either begin to conduct himself in a different manner and do his job without constantly rushing to the media with his huge pages of report or leave before he does more damage to himself and at worst members of the public who does business with government and are not involved in any corrupt activity.


I strongly believe the job has gotten to his head and he now believes he is infallible , which is a dangerous position for one to find them-self.  You get to the point where  you believe you are beyond correction and or criticism .


What’s all the fuss about the Mannatt/Dudus final report?

What’s all the fuss about the Mannatt/Dudus final report?

The Commissioners have submitted their “detailed” 58-page report and the opposition and others have been taking them to task for a “bad report.

Firstly they have noted that given all the evidence over the 44 day period that the enquiry was held, a 58 page report in no way reflects what took place.

Let’s examine the mandate of the COE, the selection process and the deliverables.

After the Dudus/Mannatt debacle the opposition PNP as well as the private sector were all calling for a Commission of Enquiry into the entire affair and the PM bowed to pressure and decided it was the right thing to do.

In true Jamaican way of doing things we immediately applauded the Prime Minister suggesting that he was indeed listing to the voice of the people and acting accordingly.

In true Jamaican fashion, we allowed him to do the following:

  • Choose the persons who would sit on and who would chair the COE
  • Decide on the terms of reference
  • Decide on the deliverables.

It would take a really stupid person who’s back is against the wall to setup a COE to crucify himself and we allow know Bruce is not a stupid person.

So what were the terms and references of the COE and what were the deliverables.


  1. 1.      The manner in which the extradition was handled and the conduct of the public officials involved
  2. 2.     The circumstances in which the services of the law firm Manatt, Phelps & Phillips were engaged in relation to any or all of the matters involved, by whom were they engaged and on whose behalf they were authorized to act.
  3. 3.     Were there any misconduct by these officials and if so decide on actions against these persons.

The Findings (based on the mandate)

Items 1. The manner in which the extradition was handled and the conduct of the public officials involved.


  • The commissioners found that the AG should have signed the extradition earlier than she did
  • Dudus constitutional rights were breached as the wire tap information should not have been shared with outside law enforcement officials.
  • Lewin acted in contravention of the extradition act.

Item #2 . The circumstances in which the services of the law firm Manatt, Phelps & Phillips were engaged in relation to any or all of the matters involved, by whom were they engaged and on whose behalf they were authorized to act

  • The commissioner found that it was the JLP that engaged the services of MPP.
  • MPP was engaged to help resolve the Dudus situation after a  “stalemate ”  was said to have occurred.

Item #3 Were there any misconduct by these officials and if so decide on actions against these persons.


  • The Prime Minister became too involved in the entire process.
  • Peter Phillips has no legal authority to unilaterally sign the MOU’s and he breached the Jamaican constitution in doing so.
  • No sanctions against any of the above persons.


  1. Wire tapping information law (interception of communication) should be changed to allow for Jamaica to share intelligence with other countries to crime fighting efforts.
  2. The post of Attorney General and Justice Minister should be split, too much work load( conflict of interest)


My Analysis.

So truth be told the commissioners rummaged through most of the hogwash that came out during the testimony and then produces the deliverables which were part of the mandate which they were given at the start of the enquiry.

So what were these persons expecting ?

The fact is we  celebrated and applauded the move by the PM to establish this COE and we allowed him the freedom to decide everything, so how could we have really expected anything else.

As a country we set the bar way too low and as such we will never strive for or achieve excellence as we pay too much emphasis on politics vs really finding out the truth.

The PNP is hopping mad as they did not get what they wanted since this report was supposed to be their trump card ie that card on which they could ride into the general elections in 2012, sadly for them that will not be the case.

Another week from now the Mannatt/Dudus affair will be history and all over by the shouting , while Bruce and the JLP will live to fight another day.

If the real intention of the COE was to get to the truth and not as politicized as it was, maybe we would have gotten closer to the truth, however once politics strode in, all objectivity was lost and the end result was political posturing and everyone defending their party.

The future of Commission of Enquiries in Jamaica

I cannot recall any COE which has worth the money spent to conduct the equiry itself. COE of inquiries have been devoid of any detailed investigation and are really not supported by law for the politicians own selfish reasons, hence there continued failure.

We have come to accept these failures as par for the course and have not demanded changes that will give COE the teeth they need to be really effective.

Outcomes we never got or asked for .


Q1. Who paid mannatt and where was the source of funds (SOF)

We never did find out who paid MPP, where did the money come from to make such payments. Now in any investigation this would have been really easy to determine as, I am sure my seven yr old could tell them where to get the information from and then we would really know who was corrupting the process.

Wire transfer is the easiest way to trace funds as the electronic footprint can never be truly erased, if you are really looking. So we really were not looking for the truth.

During the COE the treasurer of the party said the funds were from private donars so why were the transfers made through a fund that was recently accused of being a slush fund.    ( See the Jamaica Observer to see which fund was accused of that recently)

Q2.      How did Dudus come by a copy of his own warrant

The minister off national security, the justice minister, the AG and the DPP should have been forced to discuss and we  determine how did this occur.

Who got copies of the warrant, how many copies were made, were the copies controlled and who had an opportunity to get these into the hands of the most wanted. This would have been a criminal offence and show a clear link between the political directorate, some other public official or law enforcement.

It was never a question and as such no answers were forthcoming.

Q3.      Who really engaged manatt ?


This question was never really properly answered as the star witness was silent and did not testify and as such will pay a measly $500 and walk away as that is the maximum he can be fined.

Q4.      What was the role of the Minister of National Security in this affair.

The minister testimony was punctuated by ” I cannot recall” and as such he did not have to offer any information that could damage him and /or his party. So we have no idea of his role and how he contributed to what occurred.

My recommendations.


R1.      We need to setup specific standards as it relates to

a)                 When a COE is considered necessary.

b)                Who is authorized to setup such COE .

c)                 Terms and reference should be very clear and not left up to the will and fancy of any one person.

d)                The truth must be the main focus of the enquiry.

e)                 They must be devoid of political influence and/or flavour.

f)                  We must establish criteria for selection of persons who will chair and sit on these COE.

R2.      All future commission of enquiry should have the following as part of the setup.

a)                 Seasoned investigators where it is believed that a criminal offence may have been committed. These persons will be responsibly for carrying out investigation into the matter under enquiry.

b)                A public prosecutor who will look at the evidence submitted and decides if criminal or civil charges should be brought against those persons who testified throughout the trail.

c)                 No one called to the trail to testify should be allowed to either remain silent or choose not to be able to recall any matter of importance. ( See R3)

R3.      Laws need to be amended to make it a criminal offence for a public officer or any other persons to refuse to testify. In addition the perjury law should be enacted which makes it a criminal offence to lie before a commission of enquiry

Persons so involved to be subjected to a minimum of five years in prison, plus a fine not less than $500,000


R4.            Political parties must be barred from setting up COE.

Once a party as setup a COE its typically to get exonerate themselves or get at the opposition party vs determine the truth and have such persons who have violated the laws punished.

Petro Caribe deal, lack of transparency by the PNP(claims JLP)

Courtesy Wikileaks

C O N F I D E N T I A L KINGSTON 000803 




E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/22/2016 

REF: A. KINGSTON 393 (211315Z MAR 07) 

     B. KINGSTON 705 (111640Z MAY 07) 

Classified By: Ambassador Brenda L. Johnson, reasons 1.4 (b) and (d) 


1.(C)  Leader of the Opposition Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) 
Bruce Golding: 

-- confidently predicts the JLP will win at least 37 of 60 parliamentar 
seats in impending national elections; 

-- has "now confirmed the arrival" in Jamaica of 4 to 6 million U.S. 
dollars in cash given by Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez to finance th 
upcoming election campaign of Prime Minister (PM) Portia Simpson Miller 
(PSM)'s ruling People's National Party (PNP); 

-- decries Chavez's growing influence in Jamaica, and asks "whether the 
U.S. is merely a spectator, or is going to register serious concerns;" 

-- sees no signs of election violence. 
End Summary. 

Chavez alleged to have given millions to influence impending national 

2.(C)   At his request, Opposition Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) Leader 
Bruce Golding met privately with Ambassador (accompanied by PolOff) the 
afternoon of May 21 in his office at JLP Headquarters.  Ambassador bega 
by asking about Golding's recent visit to New York; he said he had held 
an excellent meeting with former Governor George Pataki two weeks ago, 
and had discussed at some length the prospects for Jamaica's impending 
national elections.  He had "now confirmed the arrival" in Jamaica of 4 
to 6 million U.S. dollars in cash given by Venezuelan President Hugo 
Chavez to finance the upcoming election campaign of Prime Minister (PM) 
Portia Simpson Miller (PSM)'s ruling People's National Party (PNP) 
(Reftel A).  JLP supporters had "seen signs of this money at work on th 
ground."  He then said: "at the risk of being blunt, the question is 
whether the U.S. is merely a spectator, or is going to register serious 
concerns."   The Ambassador reiterated Washington's deep reservations 
about Chavez's political and economic influence throughout the region, 
and assured Golding that we had expressed these concerns to the 
Government of Jamaica (GoJ); however, the U.S. was unable to intervene 
directly in the electoral processes of other countries. 

Petrocaribe and Petrojam 

3.(C)  Golding then said he had asked Opposition Energy Spokesman 
(Member of Parliament for St. James West Central) Clive Mullins to 
"investigate" the deal recently struck by the GoJ to sell 49 percent of 
Jamaica's national oil company Petrojam to Venezuela for only 63-69 
million U.S. dollars.  He said the valuation of Petrojam should be 
determined by the level of investment and shareholding; he understood 
that the company's valuation recently had been estimated at 300 
million U.S. dollars.  PNP insiders had "told me it has gotten to the 
point that whatever Chavez wants, Chavez gets."  Golding then maintaine 
that the JLP's "real fear" was that "when we take power, we'll find tha 
the previous Government has made agreements without public discourse." 

Meeting with DAS Duddy 

4.(C)  Golding then said he had appreciated his recent meeting at the 
State Department with DAS Duddy, whose "disquiet" over growing 
Venezuelan influence in Jamaica had been "obvious."   But the question 
"as to whether this was a serious issue with the U.S." was another 
matter.  Ambassador said she understood that Golding had been very 
favorably received in Washington, and also noted that Gov. and Mrs. 
Pataki were her personal friends. 

JLP's Funding Difficulties 

5.(C)  Golding then noted that, historically, the JLP had relied on 
corporate donors for 70 percent of the Party's  funding; however, the 
"levels of money needed" had "grown beyond corporate donors' ability." 
 He estimated the election would cost 250 million Jamaican dollars 
(3.7 million U.S.).  Once the elections had been called, the JLP's 
donors would be "more forthcoming." However, the most recent results 
from pollster Bill Johnson, published in the Jamaica Gleaner newspaper, 
purporting that the PNP currently enjoyed a seven-point lead nationally 
were "not helpful" in raising donations.  The JLP was "going after" 
about nineteen constituencies normally held by the PNP, and money was 
"key" in swinging the marginal constituencies. 

Timing of Elections 

6.(C)  In response to Ambassador's inquiry about the timing of 
elections, Golding observed that the "most recent speculation" was that 
PSM would announce in late June that the elections would be held in 
July.  Ambassador noted that PSM was scheduled to address an ILO meetin 
on June 12 in Geneva and to meet with Prince Charles on June 13, and 
also had indicated she would attend the Caribbean 20/20 Conference in 
Washington June 19-21.  Golding noted that PSM might announce elections 
the last week of June, following her return; alternatively, she might 
cancel one or more of her commitments. He then said he was unsure 
whether the latest poll had "buoyed" the PNP, but his PNP contacts had 
told him they were "worried."  The JLP planned to be on the campaign 
trail "three-to-four days per week over the next six weeks." 

Corruption Endemic: Polls Suspect 

7.(C)  Golding then observed that there were "not many things in Jamaic 
without a price tag: newspaper stories are for sale."  He described 
corruption as "endemic," and acknowledged its presence within the JLP. 
Casting cold water on the Bill Johnson poll in the Jamaica Gleaner, he 
said "if you want a poll, it's for sale." 

JLP to win at least 37 of 60 seats 

8.(C)  In response to Ambassador's inquiry, Golding confirmed that he 
and PSM had agreed to hold three debates within seven days following 
nomination day: the first to focus on the leaders themselves, the secon 
on the economy, and a third on social services. He then noted that, as 
had been the case in the recent budget debates in Parliament (Reftel B) 
PSM would enjoy the advantage of low expectations, and thus needed only 
one sound bite to look good; in contrast, "I must perform for 90 
minutes."  In response to Ambassador's inquiry, Golding said that forme 
PM P.J. Patterson was giving the PNP "tactical advice," but was not out 
in the trenches.  He then maintained the JLP was "confident of winning 
37 seats (of total 60), and possibly as many as 41."    He said there 
were 18 ) 19 seats which were "really difficult for the JLP."  He noted 
that, in the Southwest St. Ann constituency, a traditional PNP 
stronghold, divisions among contending PNP factions gave the JLP a 
chance for victory. 

No signs of election violence 

9.(C)  In response to Ambassador's inquiry as to whether the 
elections might be marred by the kind of violence Jamaica had 
experienced in past years, Golding said he saw "little indication of 
violence;" it had become "politically unacceptable."  While there alway 
would be some risk of spontaneous incidents, he detected "no signs of 
any violence being planned." Ambassador concluded by reiterating U.S. 
hopes that the two parties would continue to eschew violence, and 
that the country would benefit from peaceful and clean elections; this 
would serve the mutual interests of Jamaica and the U.S.

PNP paid back Trafigura with Chavez money?

Courtesy Wikileaks 

E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/20/2017 

     B. KINGSTON 215 (NOTAL) 
     C. 06 KINGSTON 2021 (NOTAL) 
     D. KINGSTON 342 (NOTAL) 
     E. PORT-OF-SPAIN 220 (NOTAL) 

Classified By: Ambassador Brenda L. Johnson, reasons 1.4 (b) and (d) 


1.(C)  In drawing closer to flamboyant Venezuelan President 
Hugo Chavez, Jamaica is "getting mixed up with something from 
which it will be difficult to extricate ourselves," according 
to Leader of the Opposition Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) Bruce 
Golding.  In a private meeting with Ambassador on the eve of 
his March 23 visit to Washington, Golding: 

-- reiterated claims that Chavez was providing USD 4-5 
million in cash to finance the election campaign of the Prime 
Minister (PM) Portia Simpson Miller (PSM)'s ruling People's 
National Party (PNP); 

-- alleged that Foreign Minister Anthony Hylton and other 
senior PNP figures recently had traveled secretly to 
Venezuela to receive additional cash, part of which then was 
used to repay the Dutch-based oil trading firm Trafigura a 
USD 475,0090 "contribution" it previously had given the PNP 
in a major campaign finance scandal (Reftel C); 

-- claimed that, given Jamaica's indebtedness to Venezuela 
under Petrocaribe and the recent signing on of an MOU for 
importation of 2.5 million tons of Venezuelan liquefied 
natural gas (LNG) annually beginning in 2009, Jamaica risked 
being pressured into supporting Chavez's positions in 
international fora; 

2.(C) (Summary cont.)  Golding acknowledged that: 

(A) the Jamaican Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Foreign 
Trade (MFAFT) adroitly had resisted Chavez's heavy pressure 
for an invitation to the massive official opening ceremony of 
the Cricket World Cup (CWC) series held March 11 in Trelawny, 
deftly offering an alternative stopover meeting with the PM 
in Montego Bay ; 

(B) the PM had responded smoothly and noncommittally to 
Chavez's public suggestion that Jamaica join the "Bolivarian 
Alternative for the Americas (ALBA)." 

3.(C)  Recommendations:  Embassy shares the Opposition 
Leader's concerns over the influence of Venezuelan money and 
energy supplies in Jamaica in the years ahead, and recommends 
that USG officials use his March 23 visit to Washington as an 
opportunity for serious discussion of these issues.  As 
demonstrations of continued U.S. interest in Jamaica, 
restoration of IMET (recently zeroed out for FY-08 and 
beyond) and a visit from a high-level USG official 
(Secretarial- or Assistant Secretarial-level) would be most 
End Summary and Recommendations. 

4.(SBU)  Opposition Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) Leader Bruce 
Golding approached Ambassador during the opening match of the 
Cricket World Cup (CWC) series on March 13 to request a 
private meeting, which was held the morning of March 16 at 
JLP Headquarters.  The Ambassador presented the Opposition 
Leader a copy of the schedule of appointments arranged by 
WHA/CAR for his upcoming visit to Washington; Golding 
expressed thanks, and said he looked forward to the visit 
(note:  post appreciates WHA/CAR's efforts in arranging such 
a comprehensive schedule). 

Chavez's Growing Influence 

5.(C)  Golding then said that JLP concerns over the influence 
of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez in Jamaica (Reftels A,B) 
had heightened in recent weeks.  Asking that the U.S. hold 
the information in strict confidence, he confirmed that a 
"senior person in the Government" had been passing him 
sensitive inside information, and that "a number of persons 
within the Government" were "frightened over the secrecy" 
surrounding the Government of Jamaica (GoJ)Q,s recent 
dealings with Chavez.  He claimed that Foreign Minister 
Anthony Hylton, Minister of Industry, Commerce, Science, and 
Technology Philip Paulwell, and Senator Colin Campbell 
recently had flown to Caracas.  Upon arrival at the airport, 
they were supposed to have been picked up by helicopter, but 
instead were given one or two large packages; immediately 
thereafter, they returned to Kingston.  The next week, the 
Government had announced it had repaid the Dutch-based oil 
trading firm Trafigura a USD 475,000 "contribution" made to 
the ruling People's National Party (PNP) in a major campaign 
finance scandal (Reftel C). 

Not Bowled Over 

6.(C)  The Opposition Leader then observed that Chavez's 
recent brief unannounced visit to Montego Bay "had not been 
arranged in the normal way."  He understood that the 
flamboyant Venezuelan President had wanted to attend the 
massive opening ceremony of the Cricket World Cup (CWC) 
series held March 11 in Trelawny.  The GoJ had had to "use 
every diplomatic resource at its disposal to dissuade Chavez" 
from attending the high-profile event.  The GoJ had taken the 
position that CWC was a Caribbean, rather than Jamaican, 
event; therefore, his attendance would have required the 
approval and coordination of all the participating 
countries--Q*and for this, time had been insufficient. 
Therefore, as an alternative, the GoJ had suggested a 
stopover visit in Montego Bay, and Chavez grudgingly had 
accepted.  ((Note:  Further to Reftel (D), post will provide 
additional information on the LNG MOU signed by Chavez and 
PSM on March 12 in Montego Bay as it becomes available. End 

Putting the PM on a Sticky Wicket? 

7.(C)  Golding then noted that Chavez's public invitation to 
Jamaica to participate in Venezuela's ALBA program, made 
during his meeting with Prime Minister Portia Simpson Miller 
(PSM), had been "the sort of thing normally worked out in the 
corridors, rather than in public."  Golding said he did not 
know whether Chavez's ALBA invitation had taken PSM by 
surprise; if so, by saying only that the GoJ would give his 
offer due consideration before taking any decisions, she had 
handled the situation well. 

8.(C)  The Opposition Leader then said he feared the GoJ was 
allowing itself to be maneuvered into a position in which "it 
would have no capacity to say no to Chavez."  He then 
reiterated his claim (Reftel A) that Venezuela was providing 
USD 5-6 million in cash to finance PSM's election campaign. 
He said that, until just before the Trafigura 
"contributions," the PNP had had financial problems, even 
finding it difficult to maintain its party facilities.  But 
recently, there had been a dramatic turnaround.  The PNP no 
longer was aggressively canvassing the private sector, 
apparently because their contributions no longer were needed. 
 Private sector companies which historically had contributed 
to both major political parties no longer were being 
approached by the PNP.  He believed Chavez had taken on the 
role of a "godfather with money," and that Jamaica was "being 
sucked into an agenda not of our own making.  Chavez waves 
cash, we're mesmerized, and cave in to anything he wants." 
Jamaica needed "guidance as to how to deal with Chavez." 

9.(C)  Ambassador agreed that Chavez's growing influence was 
of serious concern.  She suggested that Golding raise these 
concerns with USG officials during this upcoming visit to 
Washington.  She noted that Trinidad and Tobago's recent 
decision not to supply LNG to Jamaica on concessionary terms 
(Reftels D, E) had not helped matters vis-Q-vis Venezuela. 
She also reiterated that, as a means of demonstrating the 
USG's continued interest in Jamaica, she had requested that a 
high-level U.S. official visit at the earliest opportunity. 

10.(C)  Golding then said that, given Jamaica's indebtedness 
to Venezuela as a result of Petrocaribe, it would be easy to 
imagine a scenario in which Chavez offered to write off or 
defer a portion of these debts in return for GoJ support of 
his positions in international fora.  In response to 
Golding's question as to whether the U.S. had communicated 
its concerns over Venezuela to the GoJ, the Ambassador 
recounted the Embassy's recent sustained effort to dissuade 
the GoJ from supporting Venezuela for a seat on the UNSC, 
noting that the PM at one point had claimed to have left the 
decision of Jamaica's position entirely to Foreign Minister 
Hylton.  She volunteered to share the latest information on 
Jamaica's voting record at the U.N. 

11.(C)  In response to Ambassador's inquiry as to whether he 
believed the PNP, as it claimed, actually had returned the 
Trafigura "contribution," Golding replied that, while he 
still had doubts, his doubts were receding.  It seemed 
"logical" that part of the cash apparently received by 
Hylton, Paulwell, and Campbell while in Venezuela had been 
used to pay back Trafigura. 

National Elections in June or July? 

12.(C)    In response to Ambassador's inquiry as to whether 
PSM might call elections in the wake of what was shaping up 
as a highly successful Cricket World Cup (CWC) series, 
Golding noted that the PNP had been "busy since December 
registering voters," and that the lists of these voters would 
be published on May 31.  Jamaican law prohibited the 
publication of voter lists after elections had been called; 
therefore, PSM probably would wait until early April, setting 
an election date in June or July.  The Opposition Leader 
concluded by observing that, in drawing closer to Chavez, 
Jamaica was "getting mixed up with something from which it 
will be difficult to extricate ourselves."  He did not rule 
out the possibility of the flamboyant Venezuelan President 
"arriving here in the middle of the Jamaican election 


13.(C)  In contrast to the optimistic impression he had given 
in previous meetings, on March 16 Golding appeared decidedly 
downbeat.  He may sense that the highly successful start to 
the Cricket World Cup (CWC) series and attendant publicity, 
as well as Chavez's largesse, are working to the advantage of 
PM Portia Simpson Miller. 
End Comment.

What does the Mannatt/Dudus Commission report say we have a copy!

First there is NOTHING explosive in the report, so what many where expecting they will not be getting.  Among the recommendations that are being made is something I suggested just after the entire affair which resulted in the extradition of Dudus, read it at the link below. We spent over $70+ for what, I have always maintained that the commission of enquiry was a waste of time and the report tabled has proved this.

The commission is  reporting on Dr Phillips signing of the MOU which was not even part of the scope of the commission of enquiry while the main items seemed not to have been adequately addressed.

Once again we have found to celebrating announcement and not performance and/ or implementation !!

What did we really spend $70m for?

Did we get value for money?

Who was held accountbale?

Which laws were broken and whats the penality ?

So Bruce should have not inserted himself in the middle of the process, so how come no sanctions for the PM?

Another enquiry which mandate was not meet but everyone was paid handsomely, this is a scandal !!

Here is the mannatt report !


TT , Caricom, Jamaica and LNG !!


REF: A. 06 KINGSTON 1592

 B. 03 KINGSTON 467
 C. 03 PORT OF SPAIN 2184
 D. 04 PORT OF SPAIN 2042
 E. 06 PORT OF SPAIN 529
 F. 06 KINGSTON 1687

1. (SBU) Summary: Ostensibly because of production constraints,
Trinidad and Tobago (T&T) reportedly will renege on its promise to
supply Liquid Natural Gas (LNG) to Jamaica, thus jeopardizing a USD
1.6 billion expansion of Alcoa's alumina operations in Port
Esquivel.  Jamaica's lead role in the negotiation of the PetroCaribe
agreement with Venezuela, which robbed T&T of a captive market, may
well have been a factor in the GoTT's decision.  This has
significant political and economic implications, as Venezuela may
now replace T&T as the largest supplier of energy in CARICOM.  This
latest development also underscores some of the difficulties faced
by the regional integration movement.  End summary.


2. (U) Jamaica has the dubious distinction of being one of the
highest per-capita consumers of oil among non-oil producing
countries (ref. A).  During 2002 the country consumed 25 million
barrels of oil worth USD 600 million.  By 2006 the figure was 27
million, costing about USD 1.74 billion and translating into 10.53
boe (barrels of oil equivalent) per citizen.  Relatively cheap
prices (due to a flat versus variable tax on gas) combined with
soaring demand from inefficient electricity and bauxite companies
are the underlying reasons for the high per-capita consumption.
This high and growing dependence on imported petroleum prompted the
P.J. Patterson-led administration to embark on an energy
diversification drive in 2002.  Anthony Hylton, a former government
minister at the time and now Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade
Minister was appointed an Ambassador/Special Envoy to drive a
project to introduce Liquid Natural Gas (LNG) into the energy supply
mix by March 2007 (ref. B).  Hylton commissioned a number of
studies, which concluded, inter alia, that the introduction of LNG
would slash the country's fuel bill by as much as 30 percent.

3. (U) To develop a supply agreement, Jamaica initiated dialogue
with Trinidad and Tobago (T&T) in 2002.  In mid- 2003 discussions
stalled (ref. C), as Jamaica argued that T&T was obligated to sell
LNG on the same terms as it did to domestic firms (national
treatment) - a "Caribbean" price.  With the GOTT dissenting, Jamaica
sought a legal opinion from the CARICOM Secretariat.  Hylton, a
lawyer himself, argued that while the opinion might not be decisive,
it would be persuasive in Jamaica's favor.  The response from the
Secretariat, in late 2003, largely agreed with Jamaica, and by the
end of 2004 the two countries had signed a memorandum of
understanding for the supply of 160 million cubic feet of LNG a day
(ref. D).  "This agreement is expected to lead to a competitive,
predictable and assured long-term supply arrangement for LNG on an
agreed base pricing and escalation basis," Patterson said at the
time.  "This is to be seen as just one of the great benefits that
will flow from the integration of regional economies when the
CARICOM Single Market and Economy (CSME) comes into being," he

The Rhetoric Fades

4. (U) Despite this MoU, a final deal remained elusive, prompting
new Prime Minister Portia Simpson-Miller to journey to T&T in May
2006 to get a firm commitment from Prime Minister Patrick Manning
(ref. E).  The visit was particularly timely, as the American-owned
alumina producer Alcoa, which had announced a USD 1.6 billion
expansion project based on the availability of LNG, reiterated its
intention to postpone the investment until a deal was sealed.  By
the second day of Simpson-Miller's visit, Manning again reiterated
his commitment to sell Jamaica 158 million cubic feet of LNG per day
by 2009.  The pricing provisions were expected to recognize Jamaica
as a CARICOM partner, extending the principle of national treatment.
 However, by the end of 2006, the head of T&T's state-owned national
gas company, Frank Look Kim, revealed that the country would not
have enough natural gas to sell to Jamaica in the near future, thus
further jeopardizing the Alcoa investment, while forcing the GOJ on
the defensive.

5. (SBU) The GoJ, clearly pessimistic about the LNG project, and
desperate to realize the Alcoa investment, changed their focus.
Jamaican Cabinet Secretary Carlton Davis revealed, in December 2006,
that the GoJ was placing coal firmly on its agenda as an alternative
source of energy for the Alcoa project.  He added that coal was
always going to be an important part of the electricity company's
future.  Initial plans for land-based LNG storage facilities were
changed due to cost and time factors, and the revised project cost
was scaled back to a quarter of the original USD 400 million.  At
the same time, the GoJ began to look closely at ethanol as an
alternative.  Basil Waite, a recent member of the administration and
now Executive Chairman of Global Energy Ventures, told emboffs that
a proposed ethanol plant will be built on the 20 acre site in Port
Esquivel which had been slated for the land-based LNG facility.

Game On?

6. (U) The saga took a new twist in February, 2007 when Manning
contradicted reports that T&T would renege on the MoU.  Manning, who
was attending the CARICOM Prime Ministerial sub-committee on
external negotiations, noted that supply side constraints had indeed
emerged, but stated that he would shortly inform Jamaica on how T&T
could best satisfy Jamaica's LNG needs.  He said that his government
had completed arrangements with three gas companies to arrange
supply, complete with time frames.  "The GoTT is determined to
satisfy its contractual obligations to the GOJ.  An agreement was
signed in good faith, and it is our determination, notwithstanding
statements to the contrary coming from dubious sources," he told a
press conference following the ministerial in Montego Bay, Jamaica.

Game Off

7. (U) However, the supply side argument re-emerged a week later,
with T&T again suggesting that due to increased demands for LNG
locally and internationally, its LNG deal with Jamaica was now
contingent on a formal cross-border agreement with Venezuela (Note:
T&T and Venezuela have a protracted dispute regarding LNG fields and
maritime boundaries.  Endnote).  The death knell was to be delivered
shortly after that, when Manning admitted that T&T might not be able
to honor its commitment due to supply problems.  There is
speculation that T&T lost interest in supplying Jamaica with LNG
after the issues of national treatment and Petrocaribe arose.  The
development helped induce the GoJ to turn to the Venezuelan
government.  But whilst courting Chavez, the GoJ continues to
suggest that it expects T&T to act in good faith and honor their
commitment under the MoU.

8. (U) Manning's disclosure is not surprising given world LNG prices
at record levels.  Any extension of concessionary rates would have
significant revenue implications for his country.  In addition, T&T
firms enjoy significant competitive advantages in the region due to
their low electricity costs.  Favorable terms for Jamaica would
erode these benefits and eventually allow Jamaican firms to replace
some of the goods now being imported from T&T, thereby narrowing
T&T's USD 500 million trade surplus.

9. (SBU) It is further understandable given the political
underpinnings of the Petrocaribe agreement.  It is widely believed
in Jamaica that T&T was irked by the GoJ's decision to turn to
Venezuela to supply most of Jamaica's energy needs.  The fact that
this oil is bought on concessionary terms is of little comfort to
T&T, since it lost a captive market.  Commentators here believe that
Jamaica's position as lead negotiator was considered a slap in the
face to a CARICOM partner just when the integration process was
gaining traction.


10. (SBU) Jamaica's LNG initiative was contingent on the extension
of concessionary prices from T&T, invoking the principle of national
treatment.  But given soaring international demand, supply
bottlenecks, and the attendant record prices, this was always going
to be challenging.  Additionally, any extension of national
treatment to Jamaica would have had important economic repercussions
in T&T, which now enjoys significant competitive advantages because
of its low domestic energy prices.  Similar benefits to regional
firms would undercut T&T's favorable trade balance with Jamaica.  At
the same time, Jamaica's role in negotiating the Petrocaribe
agreement, which robbed Port of Spain of a captive market, seemed an
undermining of the integration movement by one of its chief
protagonists.  Nevertheless, the GoTT could not protest such a
lucrative deal, given its own reluctance to extend similar benefits
to overburdened regional partners (ref. F).

11. (SBU) Comment cont'd: From the Jamaican perspective, T&T always
has appeared to want to opt out of the MoU, and finally to have
found a strong and acceptable justification.  The supply bottleneck
provided the perfect foil, and it therefore came as no surprise that
Manning eventually reported that T&T had to delay the deal for this
reason, while crudely suggesting that Jamaica seek refuge in
Caracas.  This has significant political and economic implications,
as Venezuela may now replace T&T as the largest supplier of energy
in CARICOM.  Further energy concessions extend Venezuela's political
reach in the region.  Additionally, T&T might not escape unscathed,
as Trinidadian firms which export to Jamaica could face some
backlash (Note: According to a recent article in the Jamaica
Gleaner, Jamaica imports some 60 percent of Trinidadian manufactured
exports.  End note).  Additionally, there is the possible impact on
the CSME, as this latest episode serves as grist for the mill for
those opposed to the integration movement.  (Note: Septel will
report on the implications of the recent agreement between the
governments of Jamaica and Brazil aimed at assisting the
modernization of the local sugar industry, and the development of
ethanol.  End note).

Media Dogfight

12. (SBU) The fallout between the GoJ and GoTT has been reflected in
a series of vituperative editorials appearing in the Jamaica Gleaner
and the Trinidadian press.  The Gleaner has accused the GoTT of
"myopic economic nationalism," and Trinidad's Guardian newspaper of
"jingoism."  Likewise, both the Jamaican Chamber of Commerce and the
Private Sector Organization of Jamaica have made public expressions
of disappointment over the GoTT's actions.  In an editorial in the
Jamaica Gleaner on March 11, former Jamaican Prime Minister Edward
Seaga also weighed in, comparing the LNG debacle to the disagreement
between the two countries over the establishment of the Esso oil
refinery in Kingston in 1958.  At that time, Jamaica was accused
"ignoring the spirit of the Treaty of Chaguaramas," and of "putting
Jamaica first."  Seaga argues against the "small-time thinking
prevalent in the region," and suggests that the way forward is to
position Jamaica as an independent supplier of LNG by building a
storage facility to facilitate transshipment of LNG from Nigeria,
Qatar, or elsewhere to the United States.  End comment.

USA Predicts disaster for Jamaica if PNP wins in 2012 !! Wiki

Courtesy Wikileaks

Summary, Analysis, and Comment

1.(C) Respected former Minister of National Security Peter
Phillips will challenge former Prime Minister (PM) Portia
Simpson-Miller for the presidency of the opposition People's
National Party (PNP) during the annual party conference in
September.  Phillips shrewdly has calculated that, in order
to wrest the leadership from the populist, charismatic
Simpson-Miller, time is no longer working in his favor, and
thus has thrown down the gauntlet -- marking the first time a
sitting PNP President has been challenged in the party's
70-year history.

2.(C)  A crime wave; soaring inflation, food, and fuel costs;
the latest opinion poll results; and prospective court
rulings combine to make it unlikely that PM Golding will risk
a snap general election this year unless at least one, and
preferably both, of the following conditions were to hold:

-- an unanticipated court ruling were to imperil the narrow
parliamentary majority of Golding's Jamaica Labour Party

-- the leadership struggle between Simpson-Miller and
Phillips were to so badly fragment the weakened opposition
PNP that Golding could be confident of gaining a significant
number of parliamentary seats.

The PM does not have to call elections for another four
years; speaking privately with Ambassador, he has confirmed
he has no intention of doing so anytime soon.

3.(C)  The worst outcome of the looming PNP struggle would be
a party in which the influence of the more moderate and
pragmatic Phillips faction had been sharply diminished, with
Simpson-Miller remaining Opposition Leader surrounded by, and
beholden to, such left-wing loyalists as Donald Buchanan,
Paul Burke, and Phillip Paulwell.  Looking ahead, if the
current JLP Government fails in its economic and national
security reform efforts and Golding loses the next election,
Simpson-Miller then would return to power and form the next
government with Phillips and his supporters relegated to the
back-bench.  In such a scenario, Jamaica could go the way of
Haiti: fatally riven by crime, poverty, drugs, gangs, social
disintegration, and emigration -- all the more reason for
strong U.S. support of Golding s ongoing reforms.
End Summary, Analysis, and Comment.

Background: a Marathon Game of Political Chess
--------------------------------------------- -

4.(C)  Phillips' recent announcement of his intention to seek
the presidency of the People's National Party (PNP) during
the annual party conference in September is the latest move
in a labyrinthine game of three-dimensional political chess
which has been underway since May, 2002, when newly-reelected
former Prime Minister (PM) P.J. Patterson announced he would
not lead the PNP in any future elections.  Patterson touched
off a bitter succession struggle for the party presidency
among the seasoned heir-apparent Phillips, then-Finance
Minister Omar Davies, and the charismatic populist Portia
Simpson-Miller (PSM).  PSM's eventual victory left deep
wounds from which, despite an outward veneer of unity during
the 2005-06 PNP Government, the party never has recovered
(reftel A).  The once-vaunted PNP machine has lost three
successive elections: the 2003 local government election, the
general election of 2007, and another subsequent local
government election.

Why Throw Down the Gauntlet Now?

5.(C)  Opposition Leader PSM's spirits have been lifted by
two recent polls: one giving her a personal popularity rating
six points ahead of incumbent PM Bruce Golding (still favored
by a plurality as the best leader of the country), and a
second indicating that the PNP has pulled to within two
percentage points of Golding's ruling Jamaica Labour Party
(JLP) in overall support.  Buoyed by the first encouraging
news in months, PSM's supporters have decried the timing of
Phillips  decision to challenge her for the leadership; some
accuse him of recklessly sacrificing the party's interests in
pursuit of personal ambitions.  In Post's estimate, the
58-year old Phillips' move is anything but reckless: it has
been calculated carefully and timed strategically, based on
the following factors:

(A) An alarming crime wave, resurgent inflation, and high oil
and food prices are taking a heavy toll on average Jamaicans
(reftels B,C,D).  Coming from humble origins and representing
the grass-roots, populist wing of the PNP, the charismatic
PSM is a master at projecting empathy with the poor and
downtrodden.  Given her recent up-tick in the polls, Phillips
can no longer safely assume that she would lose a possible
snap general election, should Golding call one, and
subsequently be ousted as PNP Leader.  ((Comment:  Post
believes this would have been Phillips' preferred route to
the PNP presidency -- but it now looks unlikely: in the
course of a lengthy private meeting with Ambassador on July
21 (septel), PM Golding confirmed that he does not plan to
call an election anytime soon.  End Comment.))

(B) The Court of Appeal will not hear the application of
defeated PNP candidate Abe Dabdoub, who is seeking to be
awarded the West Portland parliamentary seat without having
to face a by-election against the JLP's Daryl Vaz
(disqualified because of dual citizenship, reftels D,E) until
November 24.  Few observers believe Dabdoub's application
will prevail, fewer still that he could win a by-election.
PM Golding has stated publicly that, rather than allowing
members-of-parliament (MPs) to be seated by the courts
without having been elected, he would call a snap general
election.   Yet most observers believe that, both in West
Portland and several other constituencies in which JLP MPs
face similar legal challenges, the most likely eventual
outcomes are by-elections won by the incumbents ) thus
leaving the narrow 32-28 JLP parliamentary majority intact.

(C)  In light of the above ) crime, inflation, polling
results, and prospective court rulings ) PM Golding is
likely to call a snap general election this year only if at
least one, and preferably both, of the following conditions

-- an unanticipated court ruling imperils the narrow JLP
parliamentary majority;

-- the leadership struggle between PSM and Phillips so badly
fragments a weakened, polarized PNP that the ruling JLP could
be confident of gaining a significant number of parliamentary

After all, Golding does not have to call elections for
another four years, and would be taking a real risk in doing

(D)  Finally, with the PNP's coffers seriously depleted,
Phillips is universally recognized by the party faithful as
the better fund-raiser, enjoying closer ties to the middle-
and upper-classes and business community.  A number of
influential PNP organizers and activists reportedly have
shifted their support from PSM to Phillips (including,
ominously, at least one figure with reputed underworld

Factoring in all the above trends, Phillips shrewdly has
calculated that, in order to wrest the PNP leadership from
the charismatic PSM, time is no longer working in his favor
) and thus has thrown down the gauntlet in advance of the
annual party conference.

How Divisive a Showdown?

6.(C)  Given the bitter history of rivalry between them and
their respective PNP factions (reftel A), whether Phillips
and PSM can again contest the leadership without fatally
weakening the party is an open question.  Phillips is likely
to avoid frontal attacks against the charismatic Opposition
Leader, instead acknowledging her loyal service to the party
while portraying himself as the better-organized,
more-seasoned figure who can defeat Golding whenever the next
election may come and thus return the PNP to power.  For her
part, PSM is unlikely to yield the leadership gracefully: she
recently stated publicly that: "when I hand over the baton,
it will not be to my generation, but to the next generation
of young persons of the People's National Party."

Possible Implications for U.S. Policy

7.(C)  From Post's perspective, the worst outcome of the
looming PNP struggle would be a party in which the influence
of the more moderate and pragmatic Phillips faction had been
sharply diminished, with Simpson-Miller remaining Opposition
Leader surrounded by, and beholden to, such left-wing
PSM-loyalists as Donald Buchanan, Paul Burke, and Philip
Paulwell (reftel A).  Looking ahead, if the current JLP
Government fails in its economic and national security reform
efforts and Golding loses the next election, Simpson-Miller
then would return to power and form a new government in which
Phillips and his supporters would be relegated to the
back-bench.  As noted reftel (B), in this scenario Jamaica
could go the way of Haiti -- fatally riven by crime, poverty,
drugs, gangs, social disintegration, and emigration -- all
the more reason for strong U.S. support of Golding's ongoing
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