Previous West Kingston Commission of Enquiry

Terms of Reference of that Enquiry as established by the then Government( Note I did not say which one it was, so you will have to determine which was the Government of the day 🙂 )

The Terms of Reference of the Commission are as follows:

“To enquire into and report on all factors and aspects concerning the upsurge of criminal violence since May 2001 in a number of urban communities within the Kingston Metropolitan Region, including the communities of Fletcher’s Land, Hannah Town, Wilton Gardens, Rose Town, Arnett Gardens, Matthews Lane, Denham Town and Tivoli Gardens.

“(a) to examine the causes and circumstances relating to the criminal activities including the presence and/or use of illegal weapons, ammunition and narcotic drugs within the affected communities;

“(b) to enquire into and report on whether and to what extent the upsurge of violence and criminality is linked to external connections and illegal enterprises dealing in drugs, illicit weapons, money laundering, extortion of money and other elements of organised crime;

“(c) to enquire into the conduct of the Security Forces in carrying out law enforcement functions in the affected communities.

“2. To enquire into and report on the reason(s) and motive(s) for the presence of the Security Forces in the vicinity of Denham Town and Tivoli Gardens and their environs during July 7-10, 2001 and to determine whether the Security Forces came under gun fire or were otherwise impeded in the execution of their duties whilst in the aforesaid vicinity and/or environs.

And further:

(a) to enquire into and report on the causes and the circumstances which were responsible for creating the ensuing upsurge of violence and the ravages arising in the aftermath of such violence;

(b) to enquire into and report on the causes and circumstances in which civilians and security personnel lost their lives or were injured; the movement or non-removal of deceased bodies during the period of conflict;

(c) to ascertain and report on whether the rights of any person(s) were violated in the affected communities;

(d) to enquire into and report on the causes and circumstances relating to any attacks launched against the Security Forces, including police stations, vehicles and equipment;

(e) to enquire as to what damage, if any, ensued to the property and assets of residents, businesses and vendors and to report on the causes and circumstances which so occasioned it;

(f) to enquire into and report on the deployment, operation and conduct of the Security Forces within the precincts during the period in question;

(g) to enquire into and report on the causes and circumstances which are responsible for the loss of lives, the establishment of roadblocks and other forms of disruption in several communities throughout Jamaica in the aftermath;

(h) to identify, wherever possible, the persons or organisations which may have participated in or contributed to the actions at (a) – (g) above.

“3. To make recommendations that will assist the Security Forces in effectively and professionally discharging their responsibilities for the maintenance of law and order in the aforesaid and similar communities without endangering their own safety or that of innocent persons.

“4. To submit recommendations as to the measures which would contribute to permanent and effective solutions for a more peaceful social order in the affected communities; to the building of community esteem; the enhancement of relationships between the Security Forces, residents and businesses within these areas; the control and reduction of criminality; the retrieving of illegal guns, ammunition, other offensive weapons and illicit substances and the proper safeguard and accountability for whatever may be seized.

“5. To determine which of its sittings are held in public or in private, having special regard to issues of national security, concerns relating to the fear of reprisals and the possibility of civil and criminal proceedings resulting from the facts and circumstances giving rise to the enquiry.

In light of the foregoing, the Commission should, in relation to the conduct of the enquiry, decide the extent to which it is desirable and practicable for any recording or publication of its proceedings to accord with the procedure for hearings before the Supreme Court.

“6. To submit a final report so soon as possible but be at liberty to submit any interim report(s) as it may find necessary.”

Amnesty International Summary of the  West Kingston COE( 2001).

Amnesty International concludes that the West Kingston Commission of Enquiry has failed to fulfil its obligations under international law to fully investigate the deaths of at least 25 people, killed on a balance of probabilities by state agents.  The Inquiry finds no-one responsible for the killings and fails to consider the possibility of criminal proceedings, in violation of international standards.  The report of the Commission fails to deal with the international standards which govern the use of lethal force, and the planning of the operation. 

https://www.google.com.jm/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=4&ved=0CDgQFjAD&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.sosjamaica.org%2Fdocumenti%2FUntilTheirVoicesAreHeard-Summary.doc&ei=BAKJUZO4BMbZ0QGu9YCgBw&usg=AFQjCNFEctPhqgkhUPgN2XQeM_HOLLDTcA

Final Report on West Kingston COE

http://www.refworld.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/rwmain?page=publisher&publisher=AMNESTY&type=&coi=JAM&docid=3f12f2c34&skip=0

The main difference between this enquiry and the one of 2001 is back then the COE was done while the GOV of the who “authorized” the incursion was still in power. Today the Government who is undertaking the COE and setting the terms of reference is different from the one which was in power, while the incursion was taking place.

What’s the point of this?

Well for one there is really no need to “protect” the Government and that may offer a glimmer of hope that we may have improved results this time around, but I am not holding my breath.

Bless

17 Responses

  1. Thanks for posting terms of reference for 2001 enquiry. And also Amnesty’s response. What about the COE 2001 report? By the way you are wrong in your comparison of today with 2001. The PNP in 2010 supported the massacre and have nothing to be gained from revelation of the truth. That’s why Alric Campbell is asking for the matter to forgotten. So do the big wigs in the PNP. By the way please consider the following proposed terms of reference for this COE.

    Proposed terms of reference for the intended commission of enquiry to be set up by the government:

    That this Commission of Enquiry shall be comprised in the majority of international jurists, human rights experts and others of known integrity and independence;

    Whose purpose shall be —

    To determine if Crimes Against Humanity were committed in Tivoli Gardens and West Kingston during the May 2010 security forces operation;

    To probe the culpability of those who had command responsibility for the operations: primarily, but not exclusively, depending on further information to be obtained: former Prime Minister Bruce Golding; former head of the Jamaica Defence Force, Major General Stewart Saunders; Police Commissioner Owen Ellington; and former Minister of National Security, Dwight Nelson;

    And, that the Government agrees beforehand that if any or all of these individuals are found culpable for these crime as defined, that they be sent to the International Criminal Court to be tried; and

    That the government begins to fast track ratification of the statutes of the International Criminal Court into Jamaican law so that any future crimes against humanity committed by agents of the state, will result in unimpeded referral to that court.

    Lloyd D’Aguilar
    on behalf of the Tivoli
    Committee

    • Lloyd,

      I am not sure the terms and references of any COE will produce the outcome that you may be looking for.
      COE are done to ferret out the “truth” as follows:

      1. What happened ?
      2. What are the events which lead to what occurred ?
      3. What was our reaction to what occurred and why was this course of action chosen?
      4. Were our this action warranted ?
      5. What were the factors on which decisions were based on to formulate our action?
      6. What went wrong?
      7. Why did it go wrong?
      8. What could we have done different to get the desired results but without the action we took?
      9. What did we learn from what occurred ?
      10. How do we ensure that the events which occurred are never repeated?
      11. Recommendations on who should do what and when ?
      12. Risk assessments, does the similar risk exist elsewhere?
      13. How is risk assessment done?
      14. What should be done with the results of this risk assessment ?

      In all of the above their is very little chance of a trial no “guilty” person.

      Coming out of the above there must be recommendation on the rules of engagement by the security forces in the unlikely case of such a situation occurring on such a large scale as in the TG community.

      The rules of engage should speak to the following:

      1. How do you extract a high value target with zero loss of life and minimal collateral damage?

      2. What kind of specialized group, with specific training as well as specialized gears are required to deal with such cases.

      3.Use of technology to minimize loss of life and or injury to the “innocent” folks?

      4. Special weaponry for precision work verse the “net fishing” approach”

      5. Housing development . How do we ensure that communities in the inner cities are never in a position to be fortified which makes them inaccessible or difficult to access and during such access could result in risk to members of the security forces.

      6. Clear lines of command, who is in charge ?

      7. Clear steps to be taken if the establish rules of engagement are broken by a rouge member of the specially trained team.

      8. Reporter access and video recording of the events as far as is possible by members of the team going in (for obvious reasons as in this particular case)

      When I give it more thought I will express those

      • Good to see that you are now pointing out that the true nature of COIs (or COEs) which are not meant to be tribunals (which is what many people seem to want). As one can see here: http://www.google.com.jm/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=can%20a%20royal%20commission%20prosecute&source=web&cd=1&cad=rja&ved=0CCkQFjAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.fahcsia.gov.au%2Fsites%2Fdefault%2Ffiles%2Ffiles%2Four-responsibility%2Ffamilies-and-children%2Fchild_abuse_faq.docx&ei=p4KUUcWSFIq88AStk4DQBg&usg=AFQjCNGGKRcPfaLRWce3IMu1yb97ktE_-w and here: http://www.justice.gov.sk.ca/stonechild/finalreport/part3.pdf, commissions of inquiry/enquiry or royal commissions as they are called in the UK and Canada are about informing the public about the facts concerning the subject inquired into and making recommendations.

        Choice quotes from the links provided (which pertain to Australia and Canada):

        How will the Royal Commission handle individual cases where there is evidence of child sexual abuse?

        A Royal Commission cannot prosecute individuals.

        Child sexual abuse is a crime and should be reported to police.

        The Commissioners will investigate where systems have failed, and make recommendations on how to improve laws, policies and practices to prevent and better respond to child sexual abuse in institutions.

        If the Commissioners uncover behaviour they think might be illegal, they may refer it, and any evidence or information they receive, to law enforcement agencies to enable them to investigate and, where appropriate, prosecute as soon as possible.

        ……
        And the comments of Mr. Justice Riddell:
        “… A Royal Commission is not for the purpose of trying a case or a charge
        against any one, any person or any institution – but for the purpose of informing
        the people concerning the facts of the matter to be inquired into. Information
        should be sought in every quarter available.

        The idea though that the International Criminal Court could try anybody for anything that happened in Tivoli in 2010 when Jamaica has yet to ratify the Rome Statute shows a serious lack of research into the basic functioning of the International Criminal Court. A 2 minute google search will show: http://www.peaceandjusticeinitiative.org/implementation-resources/what-is-the-temporal-jurisdiction-of-the-icc-and-national-courts

        Temporal Jurisdiction of the ICC

        1st July 2002 at the earliest

        The jurisdiction of the ICC is non-retroactive. The ICC Statute entered into force on 1st July 2002. Therefore the earliest date from which the ICC can have jurisdiction over crimes under the Statute is 1st July 2002 (See Article 11).

        Or from the date of the Statute coming into force for any particular State Party, if later (under the 60 day rule)

        Where the ICC Statute comes into force for a particular State Party after 1st July 2002, then the ICC has jurisdiction for crimes committed after the entry into force of the Statute for that State. Therefore for a State which accedes or ratifies after 1st May 2002, the entry into force of the Statute shall be the first day of the month after the 60th day following the deposit by the State of its instrument of ratification, acceptance, approval or accession (“The 60 day rule” – See Article 126(2)).

        Or from the date of declaration under Article 12(3)

        States which are not State Parties can make a declaration under Article 12(3) of the Statute, accepting the Jurisdiction of the ICC for particular crimes. The Jurisdiction of the ICC would then be from the date of declaration (See Article 11(2)).

        So if Jamaica ratified the statute and became a State Party to the International Criminal Court tomorrow then the Court could only try crimes committed on or after August 1, 2013 if I’m reading the 60-day rule correctly. So there is no way anybody (whether policeman, politician or gunman) could go to the International Criminal Court for anything that occurred in 2010. Ever. If the government tried to send anybody to the ICC for a crime allegedly committed in 2010 the Court could not legally take up the case. And I’m sure Mr. Fatou Bensouda (Prosecutor of the Court) would know this and wonder why Jamaica’s government is wasting his time…

      • Incidentally, concerning the rules of engagement you discussed…specifically: 1. How do you extract a high value target with zero loss of life and minimal collateral damage?

        It might interest you to know that Dudus had been arrested in 2005 without the widespread fighting, arson and death we saw in 2010. In fact if I am not mistaken the 2005 detention of Mr. Coke saw zero loss of life (though a few people did get shot I believe). Coke though was picked up at his house in Red Hills, not in Tivoli.

        I strongly suspect all that happened in 2010 could have been avoided if:

        – Dudus had not been informed about the extradition request

        – the police had been allowed to simply detain him (as before) at his house in Red Hills in 2009.

        In essence he should have been surprised after being detained to learn about the extradition request, after which he would have to decide to either fight it in court (and risk a similar fate as his father in a prison cell here) or waive his right to an extradition hearing and just go straight to the USA to fight it in court there (or just plead guilty as he did historically and hope for a relatively lighter sentence than 20+ years…maybe 15).

      • So let us not get bogged down in semantics. What is needed is for a body to gather the facts needed to make a determination as to whether crimes against humanity were committed and if so who among those who had command responsibility should be prosecuted by the International Criminal Court. Othewise what you and others want will not produce the justice that is really needed. I think we are agreed that we have different objectives. My question to you: is what is wrong with what I am proposing. Do you think murder and massacre by the state should just be swept under the proverbial carpet like that?

        • Wow! Are you intentionally ignoring the information posted here which points out that the International Criminal Court cannot prosecute anyone in Jamaica (even if Mr. Bensouda really wanted to) for any crimes committed until 60 days after the Statute of Rome is ratified (which means anything that happened in 2010 cannot be brought to court) or are you really that dumb that you didn’t understand the information?

          What’s wrong with what you are posting here and calling for is that it requires literal magic or a time machine in order for the International Criminal Court to have jurisdiction over anything in Jamaica that happened in 2010. So unless you have a magic wand or a time machine in your possession why do you keep calling for the impossible? Why not call for something that….you know…can actually work?

        • Jon,
          Let’s drop the “attack”. Suggesting he is dumb is a little over the top . To be fair to Lloyd, he would not have seen your post before he wrote this one . Due to the fact that you have more than one link, your post was held in “moderate” and it was during that time that Lloyd has posted his comments.

          Good discourse , but let’s lower the temperature guys.

        • Lloyd would not have seen my post? How? His post is at 11:12 am and my three posts are listed as being posted before his. If he genuinely didn’t see it because it would not yet have appeared to him on his computer then that’s cool and I apologize. If so, you can strike out or remove the entire first paragraph of my last post then. 😀

        • Actually you know what jay, I take it back. Lloyd isn’t dumb. He is just a nut. How else does one explain what amounts to claims by him (on his own website) that the PNP, JLP, Jamaicans for Justice and the Public Defender are all involved in an attempt to whitewash what happened in Tivoli?

          Here’s a real gem by him from his website: First he claims that the PNP supported the state of emergency and the move by the security forces into Tivoli, BUT he also claims that “The PNP would have known that Bruce Golding’s decision to set the security forces loose on Tivoli was an opportunistic move designed to recover lost political ground after nine months of refusing to agree to Coke’s extradition.”

          So this leads to the question as to why the PNP would have supported Bruce Golding regaining political mileage that he had lost while refusing the extradition requestion via a state of emergency and setting the security forces loose into Tivoli. What kind of sense does that make? Essentially he is arguing that the PNP knowingly went along with a manoeuvre that the PNP knew would benefit the JLP politically after the JLP were taking a political beating over the 9 month extradition saga. Apparently in Lloyd’s world the PNP secretly wanted the JLP to recover politically so that….the JLP could win the next election? I dunno, it doesn’t add up. If the PNP knew this move would benefit the JLP (and the move didn’t benefit them), then logically the PNP should have campaigned for the state of emergency to have been rescinded and for the army and police to go back to their barracks and stations and for an alternative solution to the Dudus extradition fiasco (all the while intending for the extradition saga to continue for as long as possible and thus hurting the JLP more).

          What also doesn’t make sense is the idea that Bruce Golding would intentionally send the security forces into Tivoli knowing full well that these same security forces would end up killing the very people who would vote for him. Because clearly Mr. Golding was tired of winning over 80% of the vote every time in that constituency. Surely if Mr. Golding knew this would end up killing his voters he would have the JCF and JDF not breach the roadblocks and instead had them simply defend the police stations and anywhere else that might come under assault by Coke’s militia while he attempted to direct efforts for Coke to give himself up peacefully. Proof of how nonsensical Lloyd’s line of reasoning is can be seen in the reaction of West Kingston residents after the kerfuffle when they demonstrated their dislike of Mr. Golding in front of TV news cameras. I clearly remember the sentiment being echoed that Bruce Golding was basically persona non grata in the area again and that they didn’t want him as their ambassador…I mean, political representative to Jamaica’s parliament any more. Anybody who could add 2 + 2 could have seen that such a move would never have been in Golding’s best political interest. However that is what happens when you end up having to try to appease your constituents, your bankers (Coke) and your sheriffs (the USA).

          A move that might have caused Golding much less damage politically would have been to let the police (and the JDF if necessary) pick Mr. Coke up at his Red Hills house in 2009 as was done in 2005; have him offered the choice of fighting the extradition here or fighting his case there and then attempt to stem the fallout with his constituents. And he could probably have done so by at least making a public display of ensuring that Mr. Coke got the full support of the GOJ in attempting to get a fair trial and maybe to fight his case on the grounds of procedural errors with the request (while avoiding the evidence altogether – wouldn’t want to be seen as working too closely). If push came to shove he might have had to abandon West Kingston as a constituency but at least he would not have had the US government beginning to wonder if the GOJ had been captured by drug dealers (as they implied in that International Narcotics Control Strategy Report). Thus he would not have lost the support of the United States and would probably have been able to keep more support for his party among the Jamaican electorate at large. He then would not have had to resign in 2011 and could have held off elections until 2012 (whereupon he could have run in a different seat). And then the JLP *might* have narrowly won. That was not to be however as he made the wrong choice which was probably due to his political career being tied far too closely to the fate of Mr. Coke and due to his owing his position in the JLP to far too many factions within the JLP and quite possibly to “factions” aligned to the JLP but outside of its formal structure (cough, cough..the Shower Posse…cough, cough).

    • I think we the terms of reference should be expanded to include the following:

      1. The Crimes Against Humanity were committed in Tivoli Gardens BEFORE the May 2010 security forces operation. Specifically, the murders committed by the Don in Tivoli Gardens as part of his “control” strategies employed to intimated the people of Tivoli. We certainly want to know how many Tivolites were summarily killed at the “Jail” at the hands of the thug and/or his enforcers.

      2. The methods used by the Narco/Gun Trafficker to smuggled Drugs and Guns into Jamaica. I think the people of Jamaica would like to know how thousands of guns and hundreds of thousands of rounds of ammunitions were able to be smuggled into the country by Dudus and his soldiers. I would like to know where those guns/ammunitions are today and will you (as a member of the Tivoli Committe) help the security forces in taking these powerful weapons off the street.

      Should we used the COE to identify all the women and children from Tivoli that were used as mules to smuggled drugs into the US and other countries? Will we hear about the crack houses in Tivoli where the drugs were stored, powdered cocaine was cooked in the Crack and the distribution/sale of the crack to the people in and around Tivoli Gardens?

      3. The COE should enlist the “committee” to identify the individuals that fire at/on the security forces during the operation to capture the fugitive. I’m sure we would all like to know who burnt the Police station and the individuals that were busy setup those road blocks prior to the “massacre”.

      4. The COE should make sure the relevant authorities do a thorough investigate of the money trail associated with the Tivoli Gardens Don/Thug, so that all properties and other assets we confiscated. Then they are the “pending” charges against the lowlife for all the murders he committed in and around Tivoli Gardens and of course the Gun/Drugs imported/exported in/out of Jamaica.

      5. Surely, there can be no COE without the question being answered as to who tipped-off the Don as to the arrival of the Extradition Request, within “15-minutes” of the information being shared with the Prime Minister and the Minister of National Security.

      I would propose that if we going have a COE, we divert the rest of the “committed” funds (~US$350K) that the JLP had in their coffers for the extradition blocking exercise (future payment to MPP). They said they only spent approximately US$50K, so there should be about $350K lying around somewhere.

      By the way, it appears as if the results of the COE is a forgone conclusion, since you have already labeled the entire operation as a “massacre “. Will you, Lloyd D’Aguilar, be testifying at the COE, since you seem to have first hand knowledge about what took place before, during and after the Operation? I’m always amazed when criminal-lovers try to cloak themselves as bleeding hearts or committee members, all in an attempt to find some form of legitimacy within a community. 🙄

      • Test;

        1. I would definitely agree to that, though the reference may have to be more specific otherwise the inquiry would be never-ending. Perhaps it should be limited to investigating the identity of the skeletons found in the shallow graves and persons reportedly murdered by the Don or his affiliates according to witness testimony from Dudus’ trial.

        2. Well the method should be fairly obvious. Guns and ammo came into Jamaica from Haiti (and probably Honduras) via Hellshire and also from the US via shipping companies such as Universal Freight Handlers just south of Tivoli on Marcus Garvey Drive (guns and ammo were found there in 1998, 2007 and 2008: http://jamaica-gleaner.com/gleaner/19981110/news/n2.html, http://jamaica-gleaner.com/gleaner/20071126/lead/lead2.html and http://www.iriefm.net/news/headline/massive-gun-seizure-kingston)

        3. You forget that it was 2 police stations that were torched. As well as Coronation Market. The COI should pobably investigate who burnt them down.

        4. –

        5. In addition the COI should investigate how dudus came to posses confidential GOJ documents related to his extradition request.

        I would imagine that the rest of the US$350K is already spent. Since it was donated to the JLP (which thus makes it impossible for it to be used to fund the COI since that is not a GOJ asset) I would imagine the JLP spent it for election purposes in 2011 and 2012.

        And I doubt if Mr. D’Aguilar would be testifying and whether or not his testimony would be worth anything since for weeks now he has been demanding that persons found guilty or culpable of crimes against humanity be sent to the International Criminal Court for (a second?) trial (for the same offence?…hmmm….don’t know any place on earth where the legal system works like that; but apparently he does). I mean it’s obvious he can use the internet and he obviously knows (a) that the ICC exists and (b) that a statute governs the applicability of the iCC and that (c) Jamaica has not yet ratified the statute. Yet somehow he doesn’t seem to know that the very statute he is calling for fast-track ratification governs where (not Jamaica) and when in time (not until the first day of the month after the 60th day following ratification) the court can try cases. So for the ICC to have had any jurisdiction over any crime or crimes committed during the 2010 operation throughout downtown Kingston, Jamaica would have needed to ratify the Rome Statute by March 1, 2010 at the latest. Why he seems to be misleading any actual innocent victims of those events is beyond me as he obviously is educated enough to either know better or be able to find out sufficient information (which is ridiculously easy to find) to know better and to better inform those who is campaigning on behalf of. It’s kind of cruel actually that they are being mislead in this way as their hopes are being built up/puffed up on the basis of nonsense demands. So naturally IF anyone is found to have possibly committed a crime, they won’t be sent to the ICC and the people he has been campaigning and organizing will feel incredibly let down and upset and will feel as if the government hasn’t given them “justice” (when in fact the “justice” they were demanding was NEVER going to happen even if Lloyd D’Aguilar was himself Prime Minister).

      • My friend your language speaks volumes. I apologize for having wasted your time thinking it was possible to dialogue. Dumb people like me must stay away from great minds like yours. I will now know my place and distance where you are concerned. Have a good day.

        • Oh, so now that it’s brought to your attention that there is no possible way for anybody from Jamaica to go to the International Criminal Court for anything done in Jamaica it’s now about the language used. Well hush, ah so life go.

          It would be interesting though to see if the Tivoli Committee continues to agitate for the International Criminal Court (which is a dead end) to be involved somehow or if instead it tries to find avenues that are available so that any actual innocent victims can have those who abused their rights (whether gunmen or cops/soldiers) brought to justice. Because continuing to agitate for a Court that will never have jurisdiction to try anyone for any event that happened in Kingston in 2010 is not wasting my time, but the time of the people you are campaigning on behalf of. Those people would probably be far better served by gathering (and handling) evidence properly and speaking with good lawyers who will sue to get the other necessary evidence that the JCF and JDF may possess. Then they could either seek civil (which requires less rigorous evidence from what I understand) or criminal charges against those who they can identify as having abused their rights. But calling for an inquiry paneled by international people which will work not as an inquiry but as a tribunal and be able to determine guilt and then sending the guilty/culpable on to the ICC? Well that really and truly is wasting the time of those the Tivoli Committee claims to represent. It won’t happen because it can’t happen (The ICC would have no jurisdiction; an international tribunal has to be formed internationally such as the tribunals for Yugoslavia and Rwanda – note that the UN formed those tribunals, not the governments of Yugoslavia and Rwanda; international tribunals are funded internationally with donations from contributing states, not with tax money from the very state being accused of breaching rights). So you can be sarcastic all you want, the fact is that what you desire is unfeasible and that this should have been clear with even the most basic research of which I am sure you are quite capable. Having found it unfeasible, the next course of action should have been to determine which courses of action are feasible and will deliver real and fair justice (no matter if the outcome is not as some might hope).

          But continue to live in a fantasy land if it that is what suits you.

  2. Kingston’s 2001 gang war with police

  3. JAMAICA DUDUS AFFAIR:BRUCE GOLDING BACK IN 2005 DEFENDING T

    Bruce Golding berating then Superintenent (later Assistant Commissioner of Police – decease) Gilbert Kameka

Leave a Reply

Fill in your details below or click an icon to log in:

WordPress.com Logo

You are commenting using your WordPress.com account. Log Out /  Change )

Twitter picture

You are commenting using your Twitter account. Log Out /  Change )

Facebook photo

You are commenting using your Facebook account. Log Out /  Change )

Connecting to %s

%d bloggers like this: